Multiple Defector Returns with Missing Jigsaw Piece
Red guards and carpets were provided today in Pyongyang as to stage the return of a fugitive diplomat who had defected from London in the fallout of the British membership referendum last summer.
Red guards and carpets were provided today in Pyongyang as to stage the return of a fugitive diplomat who had defected from London in the fallout of the British membership referendum last summer. The puppet administration in Seoul had said it had no other options than let Thae Yong-ho and his downstream family go, although it regretted the choice. The official returned with recent inside views of the South’s organised irresponsibility at the brink of collapse, a reception address said.
Before the vote, Thae had compared the Northatlantic breakup scenario to Korea’s situation after the end of the Soviet Union. Smelling in it the beginning of the end of the European Union, he then single-handedly disembarked for an ad-hoc field service to the colonialised South of the country still dazzled blind in the American Dream of manifest growth. Surely a crumbling oligarchy would pass him around like a gem, and they did.
Thae Yong-ho had difficulties working alone just like others have difficulties taking a break alone, only the other way around, a habit difficult to understand for most comrades in his government. Also, as a result he would be well positioned to pick up the pieces once Seoul was going to feel like Scotland. But outside tight communist circles that analysis was not shared in advance in order to keep up the scientific method and avoid any influence on the foreign vote.
He elaborated he still regarded democratic voting as a fraud against the people but held the opinion that for reasons of scientific accuracy it was pivotal that the fraud would only be contributed to by these not brought into conflict of interest by doing so like foreign governments. Rigging an election was solely a matter of capitalist government, the insurgent population and independent activists but not of international relations, he said.
Hence, no mission statement was proclaimed in advance, and the Pyongyang government responded honestly concerned to his absence, genuinely assuming he might not even intend to return. To keep up the facade, even graphic offences were exchanged over the public marketplace to the extent of each side blaming the other of betraying the family for the sake of the family.
In North Korea, the standard terminology used in likewise situations is that arguments are being made claiming a loss of human qualities akin to a below-animal status, while the accused realise how gravely they have erred or been detached from the facts and that with regard to anything connecting to reality they are in intensive care of their critics.
E. g. the last footage of Chang Song-Thaek shows him with hands folded inside the shackles on way to execution as as sign of protest, signifying his faith in his own ability to correct the consequences of his mistakes. But the government still did not give him a second chance, said Korea expert Borromaeus Hochmoor of the University of the People of the West in Hirtohirto, Alessandria.
With the transition from the elder to the younger “Proletarian Kaiser” the country had taken a separate path avoiding the broad failure of the Muslim Brotherhood, he added. The North Korean Sisi, Chang Song-Thaek, was purged by the North Korean Mursi, Kim Jong Un, like Khomeini did with the Persian Shah’s spy chief, and any projected surge of occupation influence failed to materialise.
But while in the Thae Yong-ho case the very same specific argument was made as well, apparently truly double-blind with not even a distinction in tone, no push came to the shove, and the defector got in position to work on the opposing side and collect simulation samples of the absorption tactics the South was developing to apply in case of a foreign-imposed unification.
Hochmoor said technically spoken Thae was a double defector, as he was capable to switch back and forth, but even more technically spoken he was a triple defector, as he would do so to outmatch a third side bent on interfering in the issues between the two, although category-wise he was more of a business multiplier than an asymmetric beast or slingshot hero.
In the reception address, Hyon Hak-bong elaborated that during the months of the triple defector’s mission, not only did he make the capitalist circumstances dance according to their own melody, which may have contributed a great deal to an increased amount of chaos, such as in Japan, but also he collected a myriad of details that might be very useful in a reunification of the country by itself, after the occupation has gone and its wounds have healed.
Hyon stressed that Thae was now a key witness with regard to ill-informed or ill-intended ideas of unification proliferated over the propaganda machinery run by the South’s puppet regime. Especially the fact that he anticipated unification on a dead end only to tell his counterparts what it was in the end was considered scientifically valuable for the development of a self-sustained way thereof.
Thae followed up with explanations that Central Europe, at the Western fringe of which both had worked, failed to achieve a nuclear-free zone before unification twenty-six years ago, failed to set up guarantees for an appropriate two-lanes transition period before unification, and therefore failed to achieve both independence and a satisfying unification because irritations among nations were so bad that they could not properly agree to postpone.
Thae said that he came to the idea of defecting because his embassy was regularly lobbied by British industrialists seeking an arrangement over a bilateral nuclear fuel cycle in which Korea would receive packaged fuel rods for insertion into foreign-built power stations, and Britain would take them back after use as to make parts thereof into nuclear bombs as it does with its European neighbours.
Dining and wining with local counterparts telling of fruitful fishing trips close to their reprocessing factories, he concluded that it was easily possible to overstretch such speculation, as Marxist economists regularly have hinted that it was being placed beyond reasonable insurance regulations by means of lawmaking. Thae added that with the case of the American reactor in Japan in mind this was clear to see.
When the American-made reactors broke in an earthquake and their over-stashed spent fuel pools were severely damaged in the ensuing tsunami several years ago, the Japanese government failed to hammer out a precedent for appropriate manufacturer compensation, and due to his step it now went to hectically doing one meaningless photo-op after another with its providers as to distract from this burning issue.
In the context of the Songun policy, the information gathered by Thae was like a missing jigsaw piece, Hyon said, quickly adding that this was his own choice of language because he liked this kind of games during school breaks in his professional training. Citing Marx’ famous lessons on the relationship between reality and consciousness, he went on with a heap of praise reaching into all professions.
For the plant farmer it was the missing species of seeds he reproduced with a little help from a neighbour. For the herder it was the missing animal at the fringes of the livestock for the rescue of which he would leave the flock to itself. For the craftsman it was the missing tool useful to repair his toolset. For the factory worker it was the lacking ingredient to get the production line running, and so forth.
For Marx himself, a business advocate in the making turned economist and exile writer, it was the transmission belt between various components of market-standard coal-dependent production machinery each of which would be useless on its own, unless the irreplaceable raw material for the manufacture thereof was robbed from tropical rainforest colonies.
For the precarious service worker in modern age cyberspace, it is the missing link that enables to connect the dots of various otherwise contradictory work experiences in what investment siege has turned into a secondary dumping market. For the North Korean government, Hyon closed, it was the unification-by-absorption-in-a-teacup-scenario the crumbling oligarchies of the South had played upon Thae during their collapse.
Hyon quoted Kim Jong Un with the assessment that Marx himself was a proud defector, as he left Germany and it patriotic fraternities at the banks of his beloved river Spree after revolutionary movements there had been absorbed by a corrupted oligarchy hiding behind vague ideas of parliamentary democracy, and subsequently been defeated by legacy monarchy contained in the very same absorption.
Yet Marx did not live long enough to return to his homeland, was buried in London at a wisely chosen place, and only when Germany had finally failed as a superpower a generation later came to fresh posthumous honour by Lenin in the Soviet Union and the ensuing communist states in its gravitation, of which today’s communist Korea remains the last man standing.
Thae joked that in the post-historical age of neoliberalism for dummies it was easy to remain agnostic who was guilty of the Second Iraq War, but with the First Iraq War laying at the doorstep of it was clear that the invasion of Kuwait was a side-effect of the Ukrainian refugee crisis that hit West Asia after the end of the Soviet Union at a similar extent the West Asian one now hits Europe.
Quickly becoming serious again he added that the Ukrainian refugee crisis of that time was caused by West Germany’s pressure for instant unification by absorption, and the East German elite’s illusion they could hand over shop to competent colleagues just like after a slow night shift in their factories, without the necessity of setting configurations for a gradual transition.
These two components together sent shock waves through Europe stirring up all kinds of inactive fears from the last century, and materialising themselves in a refugee exodus from regions once hit worst by German military occupation; and these shocks were then echoed and amplified by Nato occupation efforts to push for a quick scenario merely because it would be the most unfavourable one to its opponents.
As a result, the German re-unification from early on lacked a positive cause and is still not established in some parts of the country, with regional political parties bitterly haggling against each other over national issues. Thae said the impression he got from the South Korean effort was that these most involved in it were also these most unwilling to learn from history, and doomed to repeat mistakes made in hectic.
He added that for a goodbye he had recommend to his Southern counterparts to study the German case to learn that the best remedy against the unintended consequences of hectic absorption was fresh separation, like for a marriage under false assumptions that is being annuled instead of divorced because its failure is as old as itself. If the South were to absorb the North tomorrow, it could only result in predictable regretting, restoration and restart.
The other way around it would result in parallel societies properly adjusting to each other before they unite, and leave no post-unification adjustment issues simply because the political act of unification is being considered as a rubber stamp only applied on completion, not as a lure thrown out to animals to obtain handles on them for exploitation.
Thae closed that he would not recommend a timespan for such a transition period, since it depended on an unconditional cessation of occupation efforts and not on a timetable, but said he estimated given the proportions of the case it would be more likely to be in the dimension of years than of months or decades.
However, the quicker the futile efforts to bridge it entirely cease the less it will require to be, leaving current Elders individual outlooks different than that of Marx. He also mentioned that he continued to disagree with Kim Jong Un whether his Southern puppet counterpart was to be called a witch. In a time when forward thinking is what is to be the motto of the day, he said, the term might be understood as a compliment.