Socialist Party of Timor background to current crisis
as the crisis in Timor Leste unfolds, i thought this
interview I didwith Avelino, Gen Sec of the Socialist
Party of Timor, might be of use to comrades.
If NZ troops intervene, we should probably make
contact with the SPT again. They know full well the
background to the riots against poverty in Dili, and
might know the facts about the rebellion in the army.
Solidarity groups should take the lead from comrades
over there on the ground.
Solidarity
Joe
> Dear i Joe /Joe Carolan
>
> from Avelino Coelho
>
> My best regards and socialist salute.
>
> Joe, I am deeply sorry on the delay of this reply.
> This has been due to a technical problem in open my
> email address during several months in east timor.
> as you know in east timor sometimes is very hard to
> access our email add.
>
> Only today I can open the mail. So please see the
> answers to your question bellow.
>
> > 1. How did you first get active in the resistance
> > in Timor Leste?
>
> Rpely : Since the very begining. When I was a young
> student in Seminary I was deeply influenced by
> socialist views or filosofy. I was atracted to see a
> building up of a new society or precisely a new
> human
> relationship that there should be no
> discrimination,
> but brotherhood and equality and equity.
>
> > 2. You went on the run to Java, ending up seeking
> > sanctuary in the Austrian embassy? How did the
> > events of the Indonesian revolution help the
> > struggle in Timor?
>
> Reply. : There was in east timor within Fretilin
> leaderships two main paths or ways to see and solve
> or achieve the victory of east Timor revolution or
> struggle for independence. The first believes that
> with wester support and national unity we could win
> the struggle. This views were owns by the moderats,
> namely call theirself social democrats. the second,
> wich I share theirs views, is that east timor
> revolution shall be lay down on the Indoensian
> social revolutiuon or transformation, precisily on
> Indonesian struggle for democratization. This two views
> determined the internal conflict within the struggle
> for very long time.
>
> I believed and now continuing to believe that
> Indonesian social transformation will determine east
> timor social and political paths. We was in the rigth
> train, because after Shoearto fall we win the struggle
> for liberation. But as you know, by that two paths
> that I mentioned before, now we have to struggle for
> social transformation. In fact Fretilin won the
> ellection in 2001, and won the loca; ellection
> recentely done. But the principles or ideology that its care does not represent the way to social transformation in the
> interst or on behalf off the poorest people. You
> shall follow the all policy going on in East Timor.
>
> We are free and independent with flags, and
> constitution, but economicaly we are very deeply
> dependent to big powers that before play strong role
> to support the integration and anexation of east
> timor by indonesian army. The social context today is
> cover by social discrimination, diferences between rich
> and poorest people.
>
> We shall struggle for social transformation and for
> social justice. For this that PST was established
> decades ago.
>
> > 3. Have any of the Generals responsible for the
> > genocide been brought to justice? What does the
> PST have to say on the current Indonesian process?
>
> No one of the generals was taken to trial. You know
> why? because of so many interest and compromise! We
> really criticesed this stance, but what we have to
> do is to change, and to change one shall have the
> power.
> PST is moving to the road of win the power, get
> political power so that could be used as instrument
> for this final goal. Change the worng policy done on
> behalf os east timor people. PST, for this, shall
> win the ellection.
> Indonesian is moving on the road of social
> transformation, but need time and need social
> conditions!
> > 4. Is Australia now trying to make Timor a
> > neo-colony? What about the oil in the straits?
> Has the national revolution stopped short- eg
> > prioritising the Portugeuse language over Bahasa
> > Indonesia and Tetum?
> >
> Exactely east timor is precisely a new colony of
> australia in terms of economy, a new colony of
> portugal because of the language. All because of the
> elite that runs this country depends to western
> policy.
>
> > 4a. In Ireland, socialists participated in our
> > national revolution in the War of Independence
> > against Britain- James Connolly the irish marxist
> > warned workers to "hold onto your guns". What is
> > your viewIS there a Timorese comprador class
> > emerging?
>
> In east timor during the struggle the workers,
> poorest farmers and poorest youths did the struggle, while
> the weel establihsed people support the occupation and
> prepared theirself. Now after independence, the
> workers, poorest farmers and poorest youths been
> marginalized, while the comprador class before take
> the all advantage. This occurred because of the
> people is not well prepared, see now the people vote for
> flags,simbols, but not for political platform. The
> elite try to manipulate and exploit the ignorance of
> the people for their own purpose. We have to change
> this situation, but one has to work hard and very
> hard in terms of political education for the people. PST
> has try, but need to do more and more!
> >
> > 5. The PST is making gains, increasing its
> > membership and influence at the grassroots. How
> > many candidates are you standing? Why does the
> PST now find it necessary to stand against its old
> > comrades in FRETELIN
>
> FRETILIN is not the FRETILIN of 1975! FRETILIN is
> the representation of big capitalist interest in East
> Timor. Any policy that been made or taken is not in
> the interest of our people. Our agriculture is
> paralized, and there is no policy to increase the
> people economy. Who govern the country? Fretilin!
> Why people that voted for fretilin continuing very and
> very poorest because of Fretilin decision and
> policies? The workers and farmers are oppressed and
> very oppressed!
>
> This social situation and this economy context is
> providing more and more vantages to PST to increase
> its influence and gain more and more supports for
> its struggle for socialism.
>
> Only in the local ellection, even PST only nominate
> 10% of the all candidates,PST got a signficant figures
> of voters supports. From the figure of 450,000
> voters PST won 28,000 votes. This figures represent a
> significant increase in terms of PST development.
> FRETILIN won the majority of chief of Sucos and
> Chief of sub villages position, but the total of votes
> that PST and others parties won represent that there is
> in East Timor a possibility for social transformation
> in the coming national ellection in 2007. We have in
> front only 2 years for hard work!
>
> For this we appeal for whoever that believes in
> socialist views to do what ones can for this
> glorious and honorable principles of social justice and
> social equalities!
>
> > What are the main issues at grassroots and union
> > level you are agitating on- eg agriculture,
> coffee, land collectivisation?
>
> Justice, Socialist system! equalities! That economy
> shall be based on what people produce/agriculture!
> >
> > 6. Has the global anti capitalist and anti war
> > movement inspired comrades in Timor?
> >
> > Not so significant! We need to develop links to
> get more information for this context!
Comments
Re: Socialist Party of Timor background to current crisis
This is an interesting interview which gives us some good information, but the trouble with saying we should take the lead from comrades in East Timor is that the comrades don't agree with each other, anymore than the New Zealand left is of one mind. There are radically different approaches to the question of foreign intervention. Did Joe support the imperialist intervention of 1999 because the Socialist Party supported it? It's hard for us to access all the different perspectives because of the language barrier and a lack of modern technology in East Timor.
One problem that we have now is that the mainstream media, and also sadly a few people on the Australian left, are saying that the latest intervention should be supported because it is supposedly desired both by the general population of East Timor and by the rebels in the country. Here is a reply I have sent to one person who published an article making this argument:
I am not in any sense an expert on East Timor but since the ruling class and government of the country I live in are deeply involved there I am trying to understand the place as best I can.
One of the things that I have learned reading about East Timor over the past few weeks is that the population of the country is much more fragmented, linguistically, ethnically and politically, than is commonly presented in the media. How anyone living thousands of miles away can divine East Timorese opinion on the latest intervention on the basis of a couple of reports in the English-language media and a picture of waving locals is beyond me.
To me, this 'the natives really want us' rhetoric smacks of the arguments made by the liberal left for the 1999 intervention. We were told then that East Timorese support for intervention was virtually unanimous, but information has since appeared that suggests the picture was far more complex. For instance, we now know, or should know, that Fretilin-Falintil had suffered an important split, in the form of the Popular Defence Committee-Democratic Republic of East Timor, and that this dissident organisation, which was based in the west of the country, refused to support either imperialist intervention or Falintil's 'turn the other cheek' attitude to the rampages of Indonesian-backed militia. They fought back and have since been brutally repressed by Fretilin for their troubles.
How much do we know now about the attitudes of East Timor's manifold political groupings and militia toward the new intervention? When the mainstream media tells us that rebel leaders welcome the intervention, it seems to refer habitually to Alfredo Reinhaldo, who only joined the rebellion relatively late and only commands a small group of military police. And it is notable that Reinhaldo has warned the Australians *not* to take for granted the co-operation of rebel groups other than his own. I would be loathe to assume East Timorese support for the intervention on the basis of the evidence we have seen in the mainstream media.
Re: Socialist Party of Timor background to current crisis
Have you got a reference for your claim that the CPD-RDTL fought the pro-Indonesian militias in 1999?
I'm curious that you previously suggested a leaflet stating:
"Australia and New Zealand want to prop up the government of Alkatiri and his Fretilin party."
The WSWS website you've been frequently quoting suggests the opposite, that the military intervention is intended to remove the Alkatari government. Anyway, I'm glad you're getting to grips with the fact that Timor Leste is a complex place and simplistic analysis isn't helpful.
Re: Socialist Party of Timor background to current crisis
I thought that was kind of funny that the CWG crew have gone from saying the intervention is to prop up the Timorese govt, to now saying it is to remove him. 2+2=5
Re: Socialist Party of Timor background to current crisis
Sam: I'm writing an article about the Timorese opposition to intervention in 1999 and the military capacity of Fretilin which I'll post soon.
There's no CWG 'line' on the background to the Alkatiri-Gusmao conflict, because it hasn't been discussed.
In the post I put on indymedia suggesting a coup was being made by Gusmao I said that I think the WSWS viewpoint has some valuable features but that I don't buy the whole package:
"It is certainly true that Reinaldo has urged the intervention of foreign forces in East Timor, and that some Australian newspapers close to the Howard government have been critical of Alkatiri, but I wonder whether WSWS's analysis is not a little one-sided. For one thing, it ignores the fact that Reinaldo leads a small group of military policemen who only joined the rebel soldiers after April the 28th, when the mutiny against Alkatiri had already been underway for more than a month. Reinaldo does not claim to speak for all the rebels; in fact, he has warned Australia to beware of rebel groups other than his own. I also wonder whether it is credible to suggest that the Howard government would be prepared to provoke all the chaos we have seen in East Timor, and the attendant threat to Australian business intetests, diplomatic personnel and now soldiers, in exchange for reversing Alkatiri's very modest attempts to become more independent of Canberra. Alkatiri is hardly a communist."
http://readingthemaps.blogspot.com/2006/05/is-xanana-gusmao-staging-coup...
Dave might disgree and think the WSWS view is right on the money, in which case we'll argue it out next Sunday night.
This comes back to the point I made in another thread where Sam or Joe had said that one should start with facts, not assumptions. I think it is impossible not to approach a subject without some set of assumptions or point of view - a working hypothesis, if you want to be technical. But the point is to set up a dialectic between the facts at hand at the hypothesis, so that you can modify and improve it in the light of the facts you are uncovering, and in turn use the modified hypoethesis to view the facts more clearly. That's
the Marxist method. In the post I linked to above I've amended my initial view that the Australian government was simply intervening to back up Alkatiri and the Fretilin government, but I haven't abandoned it, just tried to make it more nuanced. And of course even if CWG members disagree with each other or the WSWS disagrees with the CWG they all agree on the nature of imperialism and the wrongness of ever supporting imperialist military intervenions. That's one assumption that would take a lot of shifting!